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By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Related Articles Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.Cautious Fed, Mag 7 gains, US equities: Market TakeawaysFormer President Jimmy Carter dies at age 10090 jili777 。

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Today’s news headlines and Thought for the Day for school assembly: 5 December 2024Jimmy Carter, the 39th US president, has died at 100

Tributes Pour In From Political Leaders, Hollywood Following Jimmy Carter’s Death: “Unparalleled Life Of Service”

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Bitdeer Announces Proposed Private Placement of US$360.0 Million of Convertible Senior NotesJimmy Carter, the 39th U.S. president who led the nation from 1977 to 1981, has died at the age of 100. The Carter Center announced Sunday that his father died at his home in Plains, Georgia, surrounded by family. His death comes about a year after his wife of 77 years, Rosalynn, passed away. Despite receiving hospice care at the time, he attended the memorials for Rosalynn while sitting in a wheelchair, covered by a blanket. He was also wheeled outside on Oct. 1 to watch a military flyover in celebration of his 100th birthday. The Carter Center said in February 2023 that the former president and his family decided he would no longer seek medical treatment following several short hospital stays for an undisclosed illness. Carter became the longest-living president in 2019, surpassing George H.W. Bush, who died at age 94 in 2018. Carter also had a long post-presidency, living 43 years following his White House departure. RELATED STORY: Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter: A love story for the ages Before becoming president Carter began his adult life in the military, getting a degree at the U.S. Naval Academy, and rose to the rank of lieutenant. He then studied reactor technology and nuclear physics at Union College and served as senior officer of the pre-commissioning crew on a nuclear submarine. Following the death of his father, Carter returned to Georgia to tend to his family's farm and related businesses. During this time, he became a community leader by serving on local boards. He used this experience to elevate him to his first elected office in 1962 in the Georgia Senate. After losing his first gubernatorial election in 1966, he won his second bid in 1970, becoming the state’s 76th governor. As a relative unknown nationally, Carter used the nation’s sour sentiment toward politics to win the Democratic nomination. He then bested sitting president Gerald Ford in November 1976 to win the presidency. Carter battles high inflation, energy crisis With the public eager for a change following the Watergate era, Carter took a more hands-on approach to governing. This, however, meant he became the public face of a number of issues facing the U.S. in the late 1970s, most notably America’s energy crisis. He signed the Department of Energy Organization Act, creating the first new cabinet role in government in over a decade. Carter advocated for alternative energy sources and even installed solar panels on the White House roof. During this time, the public rebuked attempts to ration energy. Amid rising energy costs, inflation soared nearly 9% annually during Carter's presidency. This led to a recession before the 1980 election. Carter also encountered the Iran Hostage Crisis in the final year of his presidency when 52 American citizens were captured. An attempt to rescue the Americans failed in April 1980, resulting in the death of eight service members. With compounding crises, Carter lost in a landslide to Ronald Reagan in 1980 as he could only win six states. Carter’s impact after leaving the White House Carter returned to Georgia and opened the Carter Center, which is focused on national and international issues of public policy – namely conflict resolution. Carter and the Center have been involved in a number of international disputes, including in Syria, Israel, Mali and Sudan. The group has also worked to independently monitor elections and prevent elections from becoming violent. Carter and his wife were the most visible advocates for Habitat for Humanity. The organization that helps build and restore homes for low- and middle-income families has benefited from the Carters’ passion for the organization. Habitat for Humanity estimates Carter has worked alongside 104,000 volunteers in 14 countries to build 4,390 houses. “Like other Habitat volunteers, I have learned that our greatest blessings come when we are able to improve the lives of others, and this is especially true when those others are desperately poor or in need,” Carter said in a Q&A on the Habitat for Humanity website. Carter also continued teaching Sunday school at Maranatha Baptist Church in his hometown well into his 90s. Attendees would line up for hours, coming from all parts of the U.S., to attend Carter’s classes. Carter is survived by his four children.

Jimmy Carter, the nation's 39th president who served one volatile term from 1977-81, died at his home in Plains, Georgia, Sunday at 100 after a yearslong battle with cancer during which he demonstrated the same personal strength that he displayed as president. “My father was a hero, not only to me but to everyone who believes in peace, human rights, and unselfish love,” said Chip Carter, the former president’s son, in a statement released by The Carter Center. “My brothers, sister, and I shared him with the rest of the world through these common beliefs. The world is our family because of the way he brought people together, and we thank you for honoring his memory by continuing to live these shared beliefs.” Carter, who lived longer than any U.S. president, had been receiving hospice care, without medical intervention, since February 2023 so he could be with his family after what the Carter Center described as a series of short hospital stays for undisclosed ailments. He is survived by his four children, 11 grandchildren and 14 great-grandchildren. His wife, Rosalynn, had been diagnosed with dementia in May 2023 and died Nov. 19 at age 96. "Today, America and the world lost an extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian," President Joe Biden said in a statement. "Over six decades, we had the honor of calling Jimmy Carter a dear friend. But, what’s extraordinary about Jimmy Carter, though, is that millions of people throughout America and the world who never met him thought of him as a dear friend as well." Biden was the first sitting senator to endorse Carter for president in 1976, insisting the moderate Southern Democrat was best positioned to defeat incumbent Gerald Ford. Carter would live to see Biden himself elected to the presidency, although he was too ill to attend Biden’s 2021 inauguration. He would famously go on to fulfill his pledge to vote for Biden’s Democratic vice president, Kamala Harris, in October. "To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility," Biden added in his statement. "He showed that we are great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong." Carter's 43-year post-presidency was the longest in American history. And while his four years in the White House were defined by national and international problems that he was unable to solve, he used his time out of office to work on many charitable projects, fight disease, monitor elections abroad and undertake peace missions that earned him the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. While Carter had what many considered a disappointing presidency, he earned back the respect and affection of people the world over for his work as a humanitarian, human rights advocate and hands-on builder of homes for the needy. The man voters eagerly discarded after one term went on to be considered America’s best former president. Carter once told reporters that, while the presidency was his most important political experience, his work with the Carter Center in Atlanta, an organization named after him and devoted to research and humanitarian activism, was more "personally gratifying." Through the center, Carter said, he could directly help poor people around the world. His post-presidency was impressive in other ways, as Carter demonstrated a deeply felt commitment to his Christian faith and his community. Even though other former presidents cashed in on their time in office with paid speeches and stints on corporate boards – and many never returned to their pre-presidential communities – Carter was different. He made money from his many books, but he wasn't overly materialistic. He brought attention to a now-well-known project called Habitat for Humanity, which builds houses for poor people. The former president and his wife famously participated personally in many building projects. Born James Earl Carter Jr. – and known all his life as Jimmy – the former president came from modest beginnings. He hailed from Plains (population about 600) where his father, James Earl Carter, was a successful farmer and small businessman who for a while ran a grocery store. His mother, the former Bessie Lillian Gordy, was a nurse. Four years after Carter was born, the family moved for a while to nearby Archery, Georgia, even smaller than Plains. Jimmy had three siblings, Gloria, Ruth and Billy, and their father required hard work from all of them around the farm and in his other enterprises. Carter was studious as a boy, also very patriotic and family-oriented. He graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in June 1946 and married Rosalynn, his sweetheart from home, the following month. He was assigned to the U.S. submarine fleet, serving aboard the USS Pomfret as an electronics officer among other assignments. It was during his Navy career that Carter, training for a role as engineer on a nuclear submarine, was involved with mitigating an incident at a nuclear reactor in Canada. The government of Canada describes the 1952 incident at Chalk River Laboratories in Ontario as “the world’s first nuclear reactor accident,” saying the facility experienced “mechanical problems and operator error that led to overheating fuel rods and significant damage.” Carter was widely credited with helping prevent an accident from spiraling into a disaster. After his father died in 1953, Carter gave up his promising career in the Navy and returned to Plains to help run the family businesses, especially the peanut farm. He won two terms in the state Senate and was elected governor of Georgia as a moderate Democrat in 1970. Serving one term, he audaciously decided to run for president in the 1976 election, casting himself as a maverick, a truth-teller and a Washington outsider. He surprised the political pros by winning the Democratic nomination and narrowly defeating Republican incumbent Ford in the popular vote 50.1% to 48% and 297-240 in the Electoral College. But Carter will always be known for his post-presidency. Mark Peterson | Corbis | Getty Images Former President Carter volunteers at a Habitat for Humanity construction site in 1992. After the White House, he went back to Plains. He wrote his books there, and for years he and Rosalynn made a habit of pedaling their bicycles around the town for recreation. He seemed to know all the local merchants and helped his community by volunteering on community projects and in other ways. He worshiped and taught Sunday school at Maranatha Baptist Church in Plains, sometimes mowed the lawn there and tidied up after services. There was much for him to forgive in the treatment he received from his critics while he was president, but he tried to move beyond all that. Once an outsider who never fit in with the Washington political arena he struggled to navigate as president, Carter later became the subject of admiration and affection by some of the most prominent figures in American politics. Words of tribute and support came from both sides of the political aisle when the Carter family announced Feb. 18, 2023, that the former president would enter home hospice care for his final challenge – facing a cancer that had spread from his liver to his brain and that he knew amounted to a death sentence. Georgia politicians, from Republican Gov. Brian Kemp to Democratic Sen. Rafael Warnock, issued statements of support. Former President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, tweeted on President’s Day 2023 that he was thinking of Carter – almost 50 years after he first declared his candidacy for the nation’s highest office in December 1974. In a statement after Carter's death, former President Barack Obama and first Lady Michelle Obama lauded him for "the longest, and most impactful, post-presidency in American history." "Elected in the shadow of Watergate, Jimmy Carter promised voters that he would always tell the truth. And he did – advocating for the public good, consequences be damned. He believed some things were more important than reelection – things like integrity, respect, and compassion. Because Jimmy Carter believed, as deeply as he believed anything, that we are all created in God’s image," they said in a statement. Carter elevated his national profile back then with a promise not to lie and a pledge to bring integrity and a common touch to the White House after the imperial reign of Richard Nixon, who resigned amid the Watergate scandal. Ford, as vice president, succeeded Nixon in office but didn't fully connect with the American people despite his personal decency and many years as a distinguished member of the House of Representatives from Michigan. Once in office, Carter did his best to limit the trappings of the imperial presidency. He ordered his staff not to have a band play the martial anthem "Hail to the Chief" when he entered a room. He wore cardigans to show his casual approach and to make the point that he had lowered the thermostats in the White House to save energy. For a while, he carried his own hand luggage aboard Air Force One when traveling. He held town meetings to stay in touch with everyday people. He advocated energy conservation and less reliance on foreign oil. And Americans liked their new president – initially. But as the nation's problems intensified, the public turned on him. The economy got worse. Inflation rose. So did unemployment. Gasoline shortages resulted in huge lines at filling stations across the country and unsettled millions. The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, a signal to many that Carter wasn't perceived as a strong leader internationally and could be defied by America's adversaries. In response, Carter announced a boycott of the Olympic Summer Games in Moscow in 1980, a protest that saw support from a significant number of American allies. READ: Carter concluded that Americans were suffering from an epic loss of confidence. At one point in 1979, he canceled a major energy speech and secluded himself at Camp David, the presidential retreat in Maryland's Catoctin Mountains. For eight days, he met privately with advisers there and contemplated what to do next. The result was what critics called "the malaise speech." He didn't actually use the word "malaise" but argued that the country was suffering from a profound "crisis of confidence" that damaged the nation's "heart and soul." His critics said Carter was really blaming the country for his own flawed leadership. When he fired half his Cabinet a few days later, he seemed hopelessly adrift. He never recovered politically. "Carter's eventual difficulties with a heavily Democratic Congress sprang as much from his personality and cultural divides within the Democratic Party, as from ideological differences between Carter and his fellow partisans," wrote political scientist Alvin Felzenberg in "The Leaders We Deserved." "Proud that he had won the presidency, without having had to court party power brokers or representatives of special interests, Carter took office believing he owed nothing to the political establishment that he had defeated on the way to the nomination." And his administration scored some successes, at least in retrospect. During 1978, his second year in office, he won Senate approval for transferring control of the Panama Canal to Panama. And he negotiated the Camp David Accords, a major peace agreement between Israel and Egypt. Carter argued in favor of energy conservation, a stance that was not very popular at the time but that resonates much better today. And he made human rights a cornerstone of American foreign policy – a goal that remains widely admired, even though his critics said he was naive and impractical at the time. In one of the worst setbacks to his presidency, Islamic extremists seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and held 53 Americans hostage for more than a year. Carter seemed powerless to get them released. When he ordered a rescue mission that failed miserably, his popularity declined even further. In 1980, he suffered a shattering defeat in his bid for reelection, losing to Republican challenger Ronald Reagan by an overwhelming margin and winning just six states and the District of Columbia. He was hurt and embarrassed by this repudiation, and it took him a long time to put the memory behind him. He was particularly proud of having avoided a war during his presidency. And he took comfort in having led the diplomacy that resulted in the freeing of the Iranian hostages, although it happened by design on the very day that Reagan was sworn in as president in January 1981 – too late for Carter to get credit for it. Reagan supporters said the hostages were freed because the Iranian leaders were afraid of what Reagan would do if the crisis persisted. In the decades after his presidency, Carter made a point of tracking political prisoners and working behind the scenes to help secure their release. In 2010 at the age of 85, he traveled to North Korea to secure the release of Aijalon Gomes, who was imprisoned for entering into North Korea from China for what is believed to have been missionary purposes. In a sign of the enduring esteem in which Carter was held, North Korea said it would release Gomes if the former president traveled personally to retrieve him. The final truth about Jimmy Carter was that he concluded, as did so many others, that his real legacy was not being a good politician or a good president but being a good man. There will be public observances in honor of the former president in Atlanta and Washington, according to the Carter Center, followed by a private interment in Plains. The final arrangements for his state funeral are still pending. Former U.S. News political writers Susan Milligan and Kenneth T. Walsh contributed to this report.TOPEKA, Kan. (AP) — Republicans made claims about illegal voting by noncitizens a centerpiece of their 2024 campaign messaging and plan to push legislation in the new Congress requiring voters to provide proof of U.S. citizenship. Yet there's one place with a GOP supermajority where linking voting to citizenship appears to be a nonstarter: Kansas. That's because the state has been there, done that, and all but a few Republicans would prefer not to go there again. Kansas imposed a proof-of-citizenship requirement over a decade ago that grew into one of the biggest political fiascos in the state in recent memory. The law, passed by the state Legislature in 2011 and implemented two years later, ended up blocking the voter registrations of more than 31,000 U.S. citizens who were otherwise eligible to vote. That was 12% of everyone seeking to register in Kansas for the first time. Federal courts ultimately declared the law an unconstitutional burden on voting rights, and it hasn't been enforced since 2018. Kansas provides a cautionary tale about how pursuing an election concern that in fact is extremely rare risks disenfranchising a far greater number of people who are legally entitled to vote. The state’s top elections official, Secretary of State Scott Schwab, championed the idea as a legislator and now says states and the federal government shouldn't touch it. “Kansas did that 10 years ago,” said Schwab, a Republican. “It didn’t work out so well.” Steven Fish, a 45-year-old warehouse worker in eastern Kansas, said he understands the motivation behind the law. In his thinking, the state was like a store owner who fears getting robbed and installs locks. But in 2014, after the birth of his now 11-year-old son inspired him to be “a little more responsible” and follow politics, he didn’t have an acceptable copy of his birth certificate to get registered to vote in Kansas. “The locks didn’t work,” said Fish, one of nine Kansas residents who sued the state over the law. “You caught a bunch of people who didn’t do anything wrong.” A small problem, but wide support for a fix Kansas' experience appeared to receive little if any attention outside the state as Republicans elsewhere pursued proof-of-citizenship requirements this year. Arizona enacted a requirement this year, applying it to voting for state and local elections but not for Congress or president. The Republican-led U.S. House passed a proof-of-citizenship requirement in the summer and plans to bring back similar legislation after the GOP won control of the Senate in November. READ: In Ohio, the Republican secretary of state revised the form that poll workers use for voter eligibility challenges to require those not born in the U.S. to show naturalization papers to cast a regular ballot. A federal judge declined to block the practice days before the election. Also, sizable majorities of voters in Iowa, Kentucky, Missouri, Oklahoma, South Carolina and the presidential swing states of North Carolina and Wisconsin were inspired to amend their state constitutions' provisions on voting even though the changes were only symbolic. Provisions that previously declared that all U.S. citizens could vote now say that only U.S. citizens can vote — a meaningless distinction with no practical effect on who is eligible. To be clear, voters already must attest to being U.S. citizens when they register to vote and noncitizens can face fines, prison and deportation if they lie and are caught. “There is nothing unconstitutional about ensuring that only American citizens can vote in American elections,” U.S. Rep. Chip Roy, of Texas, the leading sponsor of the congressional proposal, said in an email statement to The Associated Press. Why the courts rejected the Kansas citizenship rule After Kansas residents challenged their state's law, both a federal judge and federal appeals court concluded that it violated a law limiting states to collecting only the minimum information needed to determine whether someone is eligible to vote. That's an issue Congress could resolve. The courts ruled that with “scant” evidence of an actual problem, Kansas couldn't justify a law that kept hundreds of eligible citizens from registering for every noncitizen who was improperly registered. A federal judge concluded that the state’s evidence showed that only 39 noncitizens had registered to vote from 1999 through 2012 — an average of just three a year. In 2013, then-Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, a Republican who had built a national reputation advocating tough immigration laws, described the possibility of voting by immigrants living in the U.S. illegally as a serious threat. He was elected attorney general in 2022 and still strongly backs the idea, arguing that federal court rulings in the Kansas case “almost certainly got it wrong.” Kobach also said a key issue in the legal challenge — people being unable to fix problems with their registrations within a 90-day window — has probably been solved. “The technological challenge of how quickly can you verify someone’s citizenship is getting easier,” Kobach said. “As time goes on, it will get even easier.” Would the Kansas law stand today? The U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the Kansas case in 2020. But in August, it split 5-4 in allowing Arizona to continue enforcing its law for voting in state and local elections while a legal challenge goes forward. Seeing the possibility of a different Supreme Court decision in the future, U.S. Rep.-elect Derek Schmidt says states and Congress should pursue proof-of-citizenship requirements. Schmidt was the Kansas attorney general when his state's law was challenged. "If the same matter arose now and was litigated, the facts would be different," he said in an interview. But voting rights advocates dismiss the idea that a legal challenge would turn out differently. Mark Johnson, one of the attorneys who fought the Kansas law, said opponents now have a template for a successful court fight. “We know the people we can call," Johnson said. “We know that we’ve got the expert witnesses. We know how to try things like this.” He predicted "a flurry — a landslide — of litigation against this.” Born in Illinois but unable to register in Kansas Initially, the Kansas requirement's impacts seemed to fall most heavily on politically unaffiliated and young voters. As of fall 2013, 57% of the voters blocked from registering were unaffiliated and 40% were under 30. But Fish was in his mid-30s, and six of the nine residents who sued over the Kansas law were 35 or older. Three even produced citizenship documents and still didn’t get registered, according to court documents. “There wasn’t a single one of us that was actually an illegal or had misinterpreted or misrepresented any information or had done anything wrong,” Fish said. He was supposed to produce his birth certificate when he sought to register in 2014 while renewing his Kansas driver's license at an office in a strip mall in Lawrence. A clerk wouldn't accept the copy Fish had of his birth certificate. He still doesn't know where to find the original, having been born on an Air Force base in Illinois that closed in the 1990s. Several of the people joining Fish in the lawsuit were veterans, all born in the U.S., and Fish said he was stunned that they could be prevented from registering. Liz Azore, a senior adviser to the nonpartisan Voting Rights Lab, said millions of Americans haven't traveled outside the U.S. and don't have passports that might act as proof of citizenship, or don't have ready access to their birth certificates. She and other voting rights advocates are skeptical that there are administrative fixes that will make a proof-of-citizenship law run more smoothly today than it did in Kansas a decade ago. “It’s going to cover a lot of people from all walks of life,” Avore said. “It’s going to be disenfranchising large swaths of the country.” ___ Associated Press writer Julie Carr Smyth in Columbus, Ohio, contributed to this report. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press . 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